Report on the free Macedonia movement

in area Florina 1944


(By Capt. P. H. Evans, Force 133)

Ref map: Greece 1/100,000, Sheets, D. IV and D.V.

Contents of report

1. Area under review.

2. The Slav-Macedonian population.

3. Leftism among the Macedonians.

4. Bulgar influence among the Macedonians.

5. The Macedonian movement now:

(a) Personalities

(b) Military Forces

(c) Relations between Andartes and Partisans

(d) The failure of SNOF

(e) Communist Party role

6. The future.

7. Obtaining information.

1. Area under review

All information in this report was obtained at first hand, during the period March - October, 1944. During that time I lived successively at Vapsori 5256, on Vitsi 5754, near Dhaseri 3268 (i.e. on the West bank of Little Prespa lake); at Korifi 5061 and finally in Florina 6068. During part of September and the whole of October there was an outstation at Boufi 5173. Besides these places I have visited or passed through a large number of villages in the general area east side of Florina plain - Greek/Yugoslav frontier - Prespa - Kastoria 4640 - Amyntaion 8257. I never went more than a few yards into Yugoslavia or Albania, nor was I at any time south of the road Kastoria - Amyntaion.

My knowledge is consequently fairly intimate as far as it goes, but I must stress that it does not go further than the area above defined. I have never been, for instance, to Eastern Macedonia or Thrace, and some of the generalisations I have drawn from experience in my own area may not be applicable elsewhere.

2. The Slav-Macedonian populations

The one salient fact about the area in question is very rarely grasped. Englishmen, even those who know Greece, fail to grasp it because few of them ever go so far North. Greeks fail to grasp it for two reasons. First, they do not want to. It is to their advantage to believe that all places which are marked 'Greece' on the map are, or ought to be, Greek in sympathy and in every other way; Greek by nature as it were; they do not wish to realize that many of the inhabitants of Macedonia-in-Greece have almost as good reasons for considering themselves Macedonians as they themselves have for considering themselves Greek. It is a slight case of wishful thinking, a sort of hoodwinking which is an inseparable part of the Great Idea. The second reason is that, or so at least I am told, successive Greek Governments since the liberation of Slavophone Greece from the Turks have been, despite their various political complexions, alike in one thing, that they have carefully fostered this delusion, as if to give the impression both to their own people and to the world that there was no Slav minority in Greece at all; whereas, if a foreigner who did not know Greece were to visit the Florina region and from that to form his idea of the country as a whole, he could conclude that it was the Greeks who were the minority. It is predominantly a Slav region not a Greek one. The language of the home, and usually also of the fields, the village street, the market, is Macedonian, a Slav language. (Not knowing any Slav languages myself I cannot comment much on it, but it seems to be closer to Bulgarian than to Serbo-Croat. It is however, corrupt and debased, without a literature or a fixed grammar, and with a large number of borrowings from Turkish, Greek, Albanian and Vlach, and even a few from Romany. But in any case it is a Slav tongue. Poles, for instance, get along with it quite easily, though not as easily as they do with Serbo-Croat, which is purer and more fixed.) Many of the women, particularly the old women, many of the old men and nearly all the children born about 1939 or later have no Greek. Even those who know Greek prefer to speak Macedonian when they can. A stranger who says 'Good Morning' in Greek will get the same reply, but if he says it in Macedonian he will get a flood of welcoming phrases in addition. The place names as given on the map are Greek; Kallithea, Trignon, Dhrosopyi and so on, but the names which are mostly used, though the map prints them in small type and in brackets, if at all, are Roudari, Ostina, Belkameni - all Slav names. The Greek ones are merely a bit of varnish put on by Metaxas (but are, however, universally understood). Greek is regarded as almost a foreign language and the Greeks are distrusted as something alien, even if not, in the full sense of the word, as foreigners. This obvious fact, almost too obvious to be stated, that the region is Slav by nature and not Greek cannot be overemphasized!! It is after all the start of the whole problem, and it is only by bearing it in mind that a satisfactory solution may be reached, instead of some botched-up remedy which will invite trouble later.

It is also important to emphasise that the inhabitants, just as they are not Greeks, are also not Bularians or Serbs or Croats. They are Macedonians. Here I cannot dogmatise, as I do not know the history and particularly the ethnology of the Macedonians. The Greeks always call them Bulgars and damn them accordingly, except for EAM/ELAS, who for once in a way have shown some wisdom and who call these people 'Slav-Macedonians'. If they were Bulgars, how is it that while they spread over part of four countries, one of which is Bulgaria, they consider themselves a single entity and for the most part describe themselves as 'Macedonians'? Those, moreover, who do claim to be Bulgars are proved in every case I have been able to verify to have been under the direct influence of Bulgarian propaganda (during the war, that spread by Kaltchef and Gelef from Kastoria and Florina). The Macedonian notion as well might, it is true, be something artificial, a result of propaganda. But it does not seem so. It appears to me correct to consider the Macedonians an entity, even though a loose one, which has for a long time been subjected to partition.

The Macedonians are actuated by strong but mixed feelings of patriotism. In Greece this seems to be of three kinds, usually coexisting in the same person. There is a certain loyalty to the Greek State; and a thriving and at times fervent local patriotism; and a feeling, hard to assess because rarely uttered before strangers, and because it fluctuates with the turn of events and of propaganda, for Macedonia as such, regardless of present frontier-lines, which are looked upon as usurpation. The loyalty to Greece broke down to some extent when the Greek State broke down, and the Bulgar propaganda and coercion organisation started working hard, and the Macedonian Partisans of Tito did a fair amount of proselytising on the quiet; and it was unprofitable anyway, except in villages permanently garrisoned by Andartes, to display Greek sympathies. Moreover, when the country was over-run by the enemy, the anti-Slav repression exercised by Metaxas began to rebound in the form of indignation against the Greeks. But a fair degree of loyalty did once exist, even under Metaxas. That is quite clear from the way in which the regiments from the slav areas fought in the Albanian war, when they distinguished themselves not only be their fighting spirit but also by their endurance of fatigue and cold, in which they surpassed most other units; and it does not seem that they contained a higher proportion of traitors, in relation to the size of the respective minorities, than say the Vlach element in the Greek army.

But what is far stronger than the Macedonian's feeling for Greece is his local patriotism, not so much his love of country as of his own bit of country, his patridha - in this he resembles the population of Greece generally. When in October 1944, Gotchi, as Capitanios and virtually commander of the 2nd Battalion of ELAS 28 Regt, was ordered to Vermion, he replied 'No, we are Macedonians and our place is here in Macedonia; that is what we are fighting for.' (Vermion is ofcourse in Macedonia but it is I believe less Slav than the region of Vitsi where Gotchi's battalion was then stationed and where he had recruited it in the first place; and Gotchi's patridha is Vitsi). He then mutinied and went to Prespa, and later to Monastir, his battalion with him. The material for this explosion was evidently a mass of feelings which had been accumulating for some time, among them Gotchi's personal ambition, but the order in question was about as good a percussion-cap as could have been found, and a great blunder by ELAS 9 Div.

Again, an ELAS Andarte at Vapsori during the summer, on being ordered to report back to his unit which was south of the Aliakmon, said no, he was a Macedonian and wanted to stay in Macedonia; he did not want to go to Greece and if they did send him there they would regret it, because they would find that he would simply turn dumb-insolent and be useless to them.

The same tenacity comes out in Macedonian songs, traditionally ones as well as those which have been made up expressly in the present war. It is true that the songs usually mention Macedonia and not one particular place in Macedonia, but the feeling which runs through them is a simple and direct love of country, not an intellectual enthusiasm for a political idea. The feeling is the same, whether the song by the universally known "Mare more Mare' (the story of a girl whose young man did not come back from the wars, ending with his words to her: 'Mare, do not wait for me; get married. I have got married already - for the black earth, for Macedonia'; and in one version there is the additional couplet 'for Macedonia - that we should all be free'); or whether it is the humourous ditty of 'Mare Prilepka', 'Mary from Prilep' whose mother tried to marry her - successively - to three young men she did not want - one from Prilep, one from Bitola (Monastir) and one from Kostur (Kastoria), and who, in a last and optional stanza gets the lover of her choice - a stanza which cannot be sung in drawing-rooms, however. Or the song may be a gay little marching tune, colourful and festive, which says that 'Macedonia's, days of slavery are ended'. Pulsing through them all is the Macedonian's love of the place he lives in.

The Macedonian's feeling for Macedonia as a whole, as a country, and a potential state, is dealt with in section 5 of this report. In passing, it must be noted that in spite of a number of agitators in Greece, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, being and having been active recently on behalf of an independent Macedonia, this feeling does not seem to be something created by propaganda in the first place, though propaganda has heightened it. Macedonian patriotism is not artificial; it is natural, a spontaneous and deep-rooted feeling which begins in childhood, like everyone else's patriotism. Consequently the separatist tendency will go on cropping up; it is not a flash in the pan. It seems to me that it is merely one of the mistakes or lapses of history, as it were (and I repeat, I know nothing of Macedonian history), that an independent state does not exist today. The Macedonians having been in a greater degree a subject race than any of their neighbours lost their resilience, their initiative; they are a backward group; they were liberated from the Turks but never freed themselves of their various European overlords; when these were becoming nations and each was strengthening and developing itself as such the Macedonians were not sufficiently audacious and unified to do so too, and now [that] they seem ready to make a serious bid for nationhood it is too late. The fact that there may have been an excellent case for an independent Macedonia once does not mean that there is such a case now. (See Section 6, below).

A factor which I have not heard mentioned, but which Greece could use to good effect in keeping her Slav element loyal, is that element's peculiar combination of apathy with penury. The ordinary Macedonian villager as I have met him is not half as interested in politics as he is in prosperity. His interest in politics is more than anything a wish to be left in peace, left alone (and is therefore a good deal more respectable than most political interests). He is curiously neutral; he adopts a protective colouring and, like the chameleon, can change it when necessary. I have seen this happening. Once during June, when the road Vatokhori 3758 - Kastoria was still being used by the Germans and I was making one of several journeys on horse-back by night from Dendrokhori 3549 to Vapsori, I noticed that while the Slav villages of Mavrokampos and Kraniona had not put out any sentries, at the Greek refugee village of Ayios Antonios I was halted well before the first house and was not allowed to proceed until I had proved I was a British officer, upon which I was warmly welcomed. My companion at that time was an Andarte who had learnt Macedonian from his mother, Greek from his father, Albanian from his travels in search of work before the war, and who was a Vlach by ancestry but a Greek by proclivity, though he was on easy terms with all local Macedonians. I had chosen him deliberately for his being such a mixture, as well as for his knowing the mountains and being good with horses. He explained that the people of Kraniona and Mavrokampos had not put out sentries because, if a party of Germans or a comitadji band were to pay them a call, they could not then be accused of being hostile or having anything to hide. At the same time, however, they had no arms and so were not in danger of being attacked by the Andartes as a comitadji stronghold.

An old man at Korifi put this aspect of the Macedonian character very clearly to me. He was a Slav, yet had been proedhros of his own village Vapsori during Metaxas's regime. In Consequence he was now out of favour with EAM and ELAS. He told me: 'You see, we have had so many different masters that now, whoever comes along, we say' (placing his hands together and smiling pleasantly and making a little bow), 'Kalos orisate!' It was most eloquent. It is this perfect duplicity of the Macedonians which makes them difficult to know. It is hard to find out what they are thinking. A third man present at the conversation completed the thing by saying: 'At bottom, our attitude is really this. We don't mind if the state takes away part of our produce as tax; five, ten, even 15 per cent. But let the state be reasonable; let it only take a moderate amount, so that I know that what I work for, what I sweat for, will at the end be mine. If I go out on the hill this evening and spend the night making charcoal, what do I get? Only a few drachmae, about enough for a packet of cigarettes. You see, our mountains are poor, and we have so very little. What we really want is for some rich country like England or America to open up Macedonia, exploit her for her tobacco and her untouched minerals. Then everyone would draw his pay every week and there would be plenty to eat and good clothes to wear. Greece can't do it; she is too poor. There was an American company which wanted to open mines in these mountains after the last war, but the Greek Government wouldn't let them.'

His protestations of poverty may have been a little exaggerated, but not much; and the general picture his words convey is confirmed by what I saw in a number of villages during my 7.5 months in the area.

Incidentally, the same man, who had always seemed to me a steady fellow and who had fought as a machine-gunner in the Albanian War, eventually joined the battalion of Gotchi and took part in its defection to Yugoslavia in the name of an independent Macedonia. I have often been struck by this ambivalence or more-than-ambivalence of the Slavs in Greece, their willingness to go in this direction or that according to the vagaries of propaganda and the altering pressure of circumstances. They are a set of muddle-headed peasants who perhaps hardly know from one month to the next what they really want. In the political sphere, that is; on the practical side they are clear enough. They all want to be able to eat wheaten bread, instead of rye or a mixture of rye and maize; and they would like to earn more and have a little more comfort. Beyond that nothing is clear. The confirmed pro-Greek or pro-Macedonian or pro-Bulgarian among them is rare. It is reported that a number of those who revolted with Gotchi would like to return to their homes but do not dare to do so. They would be slaughtered by ELAS and in any case the fanatics in their band, in particular Gotchi, prevent them from leaving.

It can be proved by example after example that on the whole the Macedonians of Greece are guided, even if unwillingly, by whoever had the whip hand at a given moment; Greek Government, foreign invader, or ELAS Andartes as the case may be. Though being perpetual underlings they have come apathetic, but only to a degree, not completely. When they are discontented they side with whoever will treat them better, or who they think will treat them better. What they aspire to is not so much a nationality of their own as freedom to speak their own language and to live unmolested and enjoy a better living than before.

Want exacerbates their discontent, plenty reduces it to the point at which it doesn't matter.

(Obviously this presents certain possibilities, not for removing the problem set by the existence of a Slav minority in Greece, but at least for diminishing it. If Greece can give the Macedonians what they want - freedom of language and a somewhat better life - they will be content to remain Greek citizens. If this happens, and in addition, if Greece is associated in their minds with Britian, they will think better of Britian and will be so much less inclined to look towards Russia. The share of Britian in the task of rehabilitating Greece will make this association clear.)

A few random points must suffice to fill in the remainder of this picture of the Slav-Macedonians as I have seen them.

The Slav-Macedonians fear and distrust Britian on the whole, though they have usually shown themselves friendly to British officers and OR's in the mountains during the occupation, once the British had shown themselves forthcoming and not stand-offish. The reason for this distrust is that in the Macedonian peasant's mind Britian is linked with the King of Greece and the King with Metaxas, who made the slav language illegal in Greece and fed people on castor oil for speaking it. During the occupation Bulgar propaganda was quick to exploit this angle of the situation. 'Kaltchef and some others came to our village from Kastoria and they gathered all the people together in the square and told us "The Andartes are with the British and the British will bring back the King and an old Greece. Therefore you must take arms against the Andartes".' (From the deposition of a woman captured by the Andartes in an attack on Perikopi 5950, Apr 44).

This distrust of Britain is in part offset, but not wholly by the mixture of greed, reverence and pleasure which is inspired in many peasants by the spectacle of a large and rich nation. 'British is rich, Britian will save us', they say (they would say America if one was American), and then proceed to charge one double for the potatoes or wine or eggs ones is buying from them.

The Macedonians' feelings towards the Greeks, and vice versa, are at the moment sour and revengeful. But this is a dubious generalisation to make. In Florina for instance the two appear to live amicably side by side; no one molests the common people for speaking Macedonians in the street, and it is only in private conversation that the Greeks confess their animosity. (As for the Macedonians I do not know, because I do not speak their language, and if at this time I were to ask them about it in Greek they probably would not tell me. They are temperamental, distrustful creatures). A characteristic of Macedonia is for this state of apparent amicability to continue for a long time, and then be interrupted by a brief terror, and it may well be that outbreaks of this sort will occur frequently during the next year or two.

The attitude even of educated Greeks towards the Slav minority, not only in Slav areas but everywhere, is usually stupid, uninformed and brutal to a degree that makes one despair of any understanding ever being created between the two people. Many Greeks can give the text of the Atlantic Charter verbatim or hold forth copiously if not very accurately on the Versailles Conference, who do not know that within their own frontiers there is a Slav-speaking minority; or, if they have some hazy cognizance of the Macedonian's existence, condemn them as Bulgars and say 'They ought to be killed off, or sent back to Bulgaria where they came from'. They either will not listen at all, or even listen with a kind of wooden unbelief, none the less dense for their being unable to reply, to the suggestions that the Macedonians are not Bulgars and did not come from Bulgaria, or, if they did come, came so long ago that it no longer counts anyway.

Atrocities on both sides have been fairly common in the last three years. In the victorious Andarte attack on Polykerasos 5448 during August about 300 prisoners were taken. The ELAS commander gave orders that they were not to be shot but must be killed with the knife. This was done. When 80 comitadjis with 50 Germans entered Dhendrokhori in June and killed several Andartes and civilians, one Andarte wounded and captured by the comitadjis was put to death on the spot with an axe. (This Andarte had been trained in demolition by me and was at that time under my command.) And so on. I could give several more examples, and I was not particularly 'collecting' atrocities. Greeks often declaim against the barbarity of the 'Bulgars' but in fact it is six of one and half a dozen of the other. Some Greeks will admit this and then go on declaiming.

Needless to say, these atrocities have only embittered an already bitter situation. One atrocity begets another.

It is a question how much of this hatred between the two races can be avoided. Maybe there is an irreducible minimum, a blind animosity springing from something strange, something antithetical, which they automatically sense in one another. But it is certain that a good deal of the bad feeling is purely the creation of propaganda, particularly where propaganda has been used to aggravate the bitterness aroused by repression. Greeks and Slavs can live comfortably together. This is the view of Colonel Lovkaris, now 'General' of ELAS of the Reserve Division of Kastoria, a retired officer of the Greek army who has had a successful career in spite of being a Slav-Macedonian by birth, and who knows Slavophone Greece very well.

Greeks often adduce, as proof that the minority has been fairly treated, the fact that they were once given the alternative of remaining in Greece and behaving themselves, or of removing to Bulgaria. But it seems to me that this is rather like the question: 'Have you given up beating your wife? Answer yes or no!' The Macedonians in Greece are almost aliens and in some cases feel themselves altogether so. But to a Macedonian family their own bit of mountain, their own little patch of stony cultivation, is home, something the family has lived in for generations. So that the Government's order amounted to telling them that they must either abandon their home, or else stay on as aliens. This dilemma stands still; it is in the nature of the situation. There is probably no satisfactory solution, but a wise and tolerant attitude on the part of successive Greek Government's to come, combined with an absolute insistence on loyalty to Greece, would afford a passable Modus Vivendi which would go far for making life run smoothly in Macedonia, though it would not ensure it.

If one lives surrounded by the struggle between the Greeks and Macedonians, as I did for more than seven months, what strikes one more than anything is what a sordid affair it all is. It is a matter of ruthless lang grabbing. There is a peculiar kind of sordidness which is possessed by all nationalist struggles and this one possesses it to the full. Moreover, it is a fight between peasants, for the most part mountain peasants. Mountains produce men who are tough and hardy and who, when they fight, if their passions are engaged, fight with fury, and underneath the skin of almost every peasant, whatever his good qualities, lies somewhere concealed a murderous materialist. And under the pressure of certain circumstances this materialist pops out of his skin and stands forth in all his naked unpleasantness.

Doubtless this physchological background has something to do with the low savagery with which the struggle is waged.

An incident which sheds some light on the Macedonian problem in Greece is one which appeared in summer 43. An old gentleman called Karageorgiou was living in Argos Orestikon ; he was the head of a much respected family in that district, and in the old days under the Turks had been Chairman of the 'Greek Committee' which provided a focus for local Greek unity against both Turks and comitadjis. one of his sons, Captain (then Lieutenant) Iraklis Karageorgiou, fought brilliantly as a Coy Commander in 1941 and was decorated three times. In 1943 old Mr Karageorgiou was thrown into prison in Argos by the comitadjis, who were very active at that time in terrorising the Greeks. A young comitadji entered his cell, began to beat him and ended by killing him, some say by smashing his head against a wall, others by bashing it in with the heel of his boot. Not very long afterwards Captain Karageorgiou arrived in the area by parachute as a member of Force 133 and heard of his father's death. On arriving at the village which at that time contained the HQ of Force 133 in Western Macedonia, he was surprised to see the murderer walking about the streets, a free man. It appeared that he had come over to ELAS and enrolled himself as a member of the Community Party, which ofcourse meant a free pardon. Captain Karageorgiou told me: 'I have sworn on my father's grave to kill that man'. I fully expect he will do so. He is a Royalist, a Nationalist, completely intransigent and exceptionally brave, so that nothing is likely to stop him. It remains to be seen whether some friend of relative of the comitadji will execute a similar oath.

3. leftism among the Macedonians

It is just as important in dealing with Macedonia as with the rest of Greece to distinguish between the genuine out-and-out doctrinaire Communist, who is a rare specimen, and the rowdy ragtag who form the majority of Left Wing supporters, who represent various shades of Left Wing thought and sometimes no thought at all, and are miscalled, both by themselves and by others, Communist. Hence my using the convenient barbarism 'Leftists'.

I have heard it said that before the war the Macedonians showed a greater tendency towards Communism than the Greeks did. If this is so I take the reasons to be first, Slav sympathy with Russia, second, a reaction against repression, third, the natural extremism of the Slav temperament which seems almost habitually to gravitate towards a tyrannous orthodoxy.

4. Bulgar influence among the Macedonians

This has been considerable during the past three years. The Bulgars maintained propaganda offices in Florina, Kastoria and I believe, Vassileias 5944. The most active propagandists were Geleff and the more notorious Kaltchef (Greek born, educated in Bulgaria and a fanatic). Arms were supplied for a number of villages by the Germans and Italians, whose purpose was to weaken guerilla resistance by dividing the population and also to create a deep protective ring round Kastoria - Amyntaion. This effected a considerable economy in troops. Most armed villages seemed to have contained a few fanatics and a large number of indifferent people who would have much rather not taken sides against anybody. Some villages, e.g. Asproyia 6350, were forced by brutal methods to take arms. Probably the most pro-Bulgar village was Vassileias, which contains a small number of Greek refugee families but is mostly Slav. Several families there have relatives who emigrated to Bulgaria and made good, one even becoming a General in the Bulgarian Army. As far back as 1938, the inhabitants used to boast of their village as 'Little Sofia'.

Besides arming villages the Bulgars also tried to get people to have themselves registered as Bulgarian citizens. An old man in Trivounon 5065 told me that only six families there, besides his own, insisted in remaining Greek.

Macedonians as a whole do not seem to be really attracted to Bulgaria, and some were actually afraid that she would have treated them as an inferior minority, as the Serbs and Greeks already do. If the area i am acquainted with had been genuinely pro-Bulgar, all the villages in it would probably be armed, whereas the only ones that did take arms were those situated on the low ground on the fringes of the Vitsi mountain pass. The mountain area proper was always free of armed villages, though not of informers who would betray Andartes and British personnel to the Germans. Those of the inhabitants who were not pro-Greek - that is to say, the majority - were either uneasily neutral or else filled with a rather vague aspiration towards a free Macedonia run on Left Wing lines. Thus, when in May the Andartes of Vapsori sent a long-winded letter to Sidherokhori telling them to come over to ELAS and the Allies, Sidherokhori replied: 'If you (ELAS) were real Allies you would wear a Red Star on your caps'.

5. Macedonian movement now (1944)

(a) Personalities (full names are in footnotes at end).

Tempo: Tito's representative with the Macedonian units of the Yugoslav Partisans. His Headquarters was reported to me on 10 Nov to be at Prilep.

Abbas: 'Agitprop' of the Macedonian Partisans under Tito (Agitprop equals much the same as Capitanios of an ELAS unit). Quiet and good mannered; intelligent; educated, but to what extent I do not know. Gives the impression of being completely determined. Said to a British officer last January: 'No, I am not a Communist; politically I don't know what I am. All I want is Macedonia for the Macedonians - Macedonian language, churches, schools, hospitals, and so on.'

Deyan: A member of Tempo's HQ. Was working in Spring and Summer of this year in area Prespa, recruiting Partisans and making propaganda for Macedonia. Good mannered, quiet, but a strong personality; is said by some to have been an architect (probably correct), by others a journalist.

The above are said to be Prilep. I have met the last two before now but not Tempo.

Gotchi: Said to be in Monastir. Some at least of his men are picketing the frontier. Signs himself 'Commander of Brigade of Kastoria and Florina'. Is a native of Melas 4761 (a village with a strong under-current of anti-Greek feeling). Is a boastful peasant with a reputation as a good fighter.

Pero: A native of Gavros 4053. Took arms from the Germans to fight the Andartes, but declared his aim to be an independent Macedonia, not a greater Bulgaria. Has and probably still has, considerable influence in villages near his own. His band was attacked and dispersed by ELAS by about mid-summer. He then fled to Prespa and was given sanctuary by Deyan, who was severely reprimanded by Tito for this. Peyo was sent back by Partisans, some say by Tito himself, to ELAS, who sent him under amnesty to the Battalion of Gotchi. When Gotchi mutinied in October, Peyo accompanied and abetted him. Peyo is said to have been a Communist in peace time and to have gone to Bulgaria in the advent of Metaxas. Is said to be a great egotist. Education: attended Florina Gymnasium.

Tourloundzos: Another petty leader from Slavophone Greece. A native of Kyno Nero 7757. At the time of Gotchi's revolt was in Kaimatsalan on the south side of the frontier. Has since joined Gotchi taking a band of guerillas with him (strength not known).

These three are men of far smaller stature than Abbas, Tempo and Deyan. They are ambitious with some gift for leadership.

Their movement is not important (a villagers' revolt), except as a symptom.

I have met Gotchi once (before his defection); Tourloundzos and Peyo never.

(b) Military Forces

Gotchi is said to have had 500 armed men at the time of his revolt, nearly all of whom he took with him. He is said to have collected 500 to 1,000 unarmed civilians from the villages on the way to Prespa. Some of these he took by force, others came of their own free will. Some also joined him from Prespa area.]

I know definitely only of three brigades of Macedonian Partisans under Tito/Tempo. That was the strength I was told in July. (A brigade in the Yugoslav Organization equals 400 men).

Thus the strength of the pro-Macedonian forces North of the frontier is 1,700 or more. But I should be surprised to find they were not very much more than this.

(c) Relations between Andartes and Partisans

These have usually been good, except for periodical friction cause by the Partisans' propaganda for a free Macedonia. The Partisans are more efficient and aggressive and look down on the Andartes as a sorry crew.

There was a disagreement between ELAS 1st Battalion of 28 Regt and 1 and 2 Brigades (Macedonian) of the Partisans at Vapsori in April. The ELAS Commander wanted to attack a comitadji village and asked the Partisans to attack them. ABBAS was there at the time and flatly refused. Later he told another officer and myself that he could get all the comitadji villages over to the Allied side by political means, had he been allowed to. A Partisan told me about the same time that the Partisans could go in and out of comitadji villages quite freely; they were never attacked or given away.

During this visit of 1 and 2 Brigades to Vapsori and district, a small number of Andartes transferred themselves to the Partisans. These were all Slavophone Andartes.

Tito has always adopted a freer policy where his units are concerned than ELAS has. That is to say, the Albanian units in Tito's forces use the Albanian flag, the Albanian language and have Albanian officers; the Macedonian units the Macedonian flag (a gold star on a red background) and so on. ELAS, on the other hand, have always officered their Macedonian units with Greeks and this has always made a bad impression on Slavophone Andartes in ELAS. It has made them feel, as the civilians also feel, that the millennium announced by ELAS/EAM, with the Slav-Macedonians enjoyed equal privileges and full freedom, is just a sell-out after all; Greece will go on being their over-lord, will go on excluding them from state posts, from promotion in the army and so on.

(d) The Failure of SNOF

SNOF was the Slavophone version of EAM; that is to say, EAM (therefore a Greek organisation) under a Slav name and conducting its work mainly in the Slaf language. The letters SNOF mean 'Slav-Macedonian National Anti-Fascist Front' (I am not quite sure about 'Anti-Fascist').Some time during the summer when Greeks were getting anxious about independent Macedonian propaganda and the directing caucus in the EAM feared they would lose some of their Greek adherents on account of this, the N (for 'narodny' or national) was dropped, and the organisation became known as SOF. Today, the word SOF is rarely if ever heard; EAM is the name used even when the language spoken is Slav.

The purpose of the SNOF disguise (for that was all it was, an EAM in SNOF's clothing) was to draw the Slav-Macedonian element into the orbit of EAM. The manoeuvre only half succeeded. SNOF certainly did excellent work at the start, opening up areas which had been hostile till then, not only to Greece but also to the Allies. It was thanks to Snof that I was able to exist in so thoroughly a Slav area as that of Vitsi. Little by little, however, the Macedonians lost confidence in SNOF, began to think - rightly - that the Greeks were not sincere in their profession, and that in fact the Greeks were determined to remain dominant; that it was just another trick. This did not mean that SNOF disappeared; it simply changed its name to SOF and then to EAM and today EAM still controls nearly all the villages which SNOF won over. But the enthusiasm of the villages has mostly gone and a somewhat sluggish stirring in the direction of an Independent Macedonia has replaced it: perhaps what finally extinguished Slav confidence in EAM was ELAS' conscripting young men as Andartes during August; in a Slav area this naturally meant conscripting Slavs. At Laimos in the Prespa region two men were savagely beaten up for refusing to be conscripted. So much for the freedom of the Slavs.

It is noticeable that whenever Partisans organised a village, i.e. convinced it that it ought to work against the Germans and Fascism and made it provide runners, sentries, a 'Q' and pack transport service, and so on, or habitually used a village which EAM had organised, the organisation worked much better. Trigonon 4265 was such a place. The villages there had a wonderful arrangement for guiding Partisans, Andartes or British across the road, which was much used by the Germans. By a system of couriers and sentinels (who just worked in the fields with their mattocks or spades, and looked innocent enough) they would pass one across in broad daylight, through the village itself, even though a German unit was camped only a few hundred yards away on the outskirts.

(e) The Role of the Greek Communist Party

At Florina in November it seemed likely, but was not absolutely certain, that the Communist Party there (which controls movement as it controls everything else) was allowing representatives of Gotchi to enter the town from Monastir.

Probably the KKE will pursue a completely opportunist policy. If the Macedonian movement succeeds, KKE will applaud it; if it looks like failing, KKE will be the first to denounce it. I emphasise 'the first'.

6. The future

There can be no independent Macedonia. Even if one regards it, as I do, as right, in the abstract, that there should be, one has to concede that practically it is undesirable.

A Macedonian rising would be resisted almost violently by the Greeks, who would probably rise in a body from all over Greece to beat it down. In particular the demand for Salonika would rouse the Greeks to fury. The result would be an extremely bloody war out of which no good would come.

There is also a pan-Slav aspect, which is real enough but on which I do not propose to comment here.

The frontiers of Greece, at any rate between say Prespa and Kaimatsalan, must remain unaltered. (About the justice of Greek claims in 'Northern Iriros' and the southern confines of Bulgaria I knew nothing.) Greece is poor enough already; to take away one of her more productive territories would make her poorer still.

At the same time Greece; if she is not to be severely troubled by her Macedonian minority, and also in the interests of equity, must treat that minority well; firmly, yes, but with friendship, without discrimination. I am not sanguine of this happening. But it is not impossible.

It is quite likely, but not certain, that the Macedonians over the borer - both Tempo and Gotchi - will sooner or later make an armed bid for autonomy or independence. About 10 May Tempo made a speech on Monastir in which he said they would set up free Macedonia which would include Florina and Salonika. A British and an American officer were present at the speech, and this made an unfortunate impression both on the Greek minority in Monastir and on many inhabitants in Florina, who wondered whether it meant that Britian or America approved of Macedonia's demands.

The method advocated by Tempo is a plebiscite. If he insists on this and it is refused, he will probably resort to an armed rising. On the other hand, if such a plebiscite were freely and fairly held, it is more than likely than not that a free Macedonia would result.

I do not believe that Tempo is cooperating with the 'Comita' or any other organ of Bulgar Nationalism; though of course Bulgaria is interested in the formation of a separate Macedonia. But I do not think he is cooperating with the Macedonian Leftists of Bulgaria.

The weakness of the present Greek Government and its slowness in re-establishing the authority of the State in Florina and district must of course be allowing Macedonian feeling to rise more freely than would otherwise be the cas, and the danger - for it is a danger - to keep on growing.

7. Obtaining information

It is fairly easy to obtain information of Macedonian developments, provided :-

(a) one knows the country

(b) one is up there and not down here

(c) one sifts all reports, rumours, etc., very carefully

(d) one is on the watch for stool-pigeons among the sources one


It is also helpful, almost essential, to speak Macedonian. Itencourages people to talk more freely.

This report is much too long. It also contains opinions as wellas information. But I had sooner or later to allow myself this luxury if only for the purpose of clarifying my views to myself.

Moreover, it is as well, for the reader's sake, to include them. For while opinions are derived from experience, from facts encountered, once formed, they influence the selection of facts in the writing of a report. So that no report is complete without a brief account of the writer's own bias in the matter in hand.

Athens (P. H. Evans),

1 Dec 44 Capt.

αναδημοσίευση από: http://www.gate.net/~mango/britrep.html

Περί Έβανς …

Μετά τη συμφωνία της Πλάκας τίθενται νέες βάσεις συνεργασίας ΕΛΑΣ-ΣΣΕ, σύμφωνα με τις οποίες η 9η Μεραρχία ΕΛΑΣ, η οποία διοικούταν από τον συνταγματάρχη Μηχανικού Δημ. Καραγιάννη, με Καπετάνιο το μόνιμο υπολοχαγό Ιερώνυμο Καρατζά και υπεύθυνο τον Δάφνη, φοιτητή Ανωτάτης Εμπορικής από Θεσσαλονίκη, αναλαμβάνει την υποχρέωση να συγκροτήσει τρία Αποσπάσματα, των οποίων οι Άγγλοι αναλαμβάνουν τον εξοπλισμό και τη διατροφή διαθέτοντας μία λίρα για κάθε αντάρτη και μιάμιση λίρα για κάθε κτήνος μετά του ημιονηγού του, και να δεχτεί στα αποσπάσματα αυτά Άγγλους Συνδέσμους με τμήματα κομάντος.

Συγκροτήθηκαν έτσι τρία αποσπάσματα:

1. Απόσπασμα Βίτσι , δυνάμεως 800 ανταρτών

2. Απόσπασμα Σινιάτσικου, δυνάμεως 300 ανταρτών , και

3. Απόσπασμα Βούρινου, δυνάμεως 300 ανταρτών.

Το Απόσπασμα Βίτσι αποτελέστηκε από τα τμήματα του Τάγματος Βίτσι με επικεφαλής Διοικητή τον Αριστοτέλη Χουτούρα (Αρριανό) από τη Λευκοθέα Κοζάνης, και αντιπρόσωπο του ΕΑΜ τον Νεδέλκο Γεώργιο(Μακεδόνα) γιατρό από τη Φλώρινα. Αποστολή του αποσπάσματος ήταν να περάσει στα μετόπισθεν , όπου σε πολλά σλαβόφωνα χωριά έχει επιδράσει η αυτονομιστική προπαγάνδα.

Κατά τον Ζαφειρόπουλο το Απόσπασμα Βίτσι (2/28 Τάγμα) είχε ονομαστική δύναμη τάγματος, αποτελέστηκε από τμήματα του 28ου ΣΠ ΕΛΑΣ και την ομάδα «Τιτάν», με διοίκηση τους Χρύσανθο Λυτρίδη (αξιωματικό), Αριστοτέλη Χουτούρα-Αρριανό και Κοσμά Σπανό-Αμύντα, υπάλληλου ΤΤΤ από Λέχοβο[1] και αποτελούνταν από τρεις λόχους με επικεφαλής τους Παπαδόπουλο Γιάννη(Αυγερινό) από το Αμμοχώρι, Αποστολίδη Χρήστο(Κεραυνό) από τις Κάτω Κλεινές και Τσώτσο Γιάννη(Στόγιαν) από τα Άλωνα[2]. Άγγλος Σύνδεσμος αποσπάσθηκε ο λοχαγός Έβανς με τον επιλοχία Πύρο[3].

Ο Έβανς , κατά την άφιξή του προέβη στην εκκαθάριση της περιοχής και τη στρατολόγηση των ανταρτών από τους σλαβόφωνους κατοίκους των Κορεστίων. Η προσέλευση των σλαβόφωνων – με προτροπή και του ΣΝΟΦ- ήταν αθρόα και 300 από αυτούς οδηγούνται στη Λάγγα, όπου και ή έδρα του 28ου Συντάγματος ΕΛΑΣ για τον εξοπλισμό τους. Ο επίλαρχος Χρ. Λαζαρίδης, διοικητής του 28ου ΣΠ εξοπλίζει μόνο 50, τους οποίους και διασκορπίζει στις μονάδες του συντάγματος, τους δε υπόλοιπους τους χορηγεί προσωρινά απολυτήρια. Η ενέργεια αυτή του Λαζαρίδη θα απηχήσει αρνητικά στη Διοικούσα Επιτροπή του ΣΝΟΦ, που τη χαρακτήρισε ως έλλειψη εμπιστοσύνης του ΕΛΑΣ στους σλαβόφωνους. Ο Διοικητής του 28ου ΣΠ θα καλεστεί σε απολογία από το ΕΑΜ και θα αποδώσει δικαιολογήσει την ενέργειά του ως έλλειψη επαρκούς οπλισμού και ιματισμού. Ο Ναούμ Πέγιος θα εκμεταλλευτεί το γεγονός και θα διαρρεύσει την άποψη περί παραγκώνισης του σλαβόφωνου πληθυσμού από τον ΕΛΑΣ. Ταυτόχρονα θα ριχθεί και η ιδέα της ανάγκης δημιουργίας ανεξάρτητης ανταρτικής Μονάδας αποκλειστικά από σλαβόφωνους, στην περιοχή των Κορεστίων, για την εξασφάλιση και πρόληψη τυχόν αθέτησης των υποσχέσεων του ΕΑΜ προς τον πληθυσμό της περιοχής περί ισοτιμίας, ισοπολιτείας και ανεξαρτησίας γλώσσας, θρησκείας κλπ. Ταυτόχρονα θα απαιτηθεί η ανάληψη της διοίκησης του Αποσπάσματος Βίτσι από τον καθοδηγητή του ΣΝΟΦ Ναούμ Πέγιου. Η Διοικούσα Επιτροπή του ΣΝΟΦ δεν συνηγόρησε με τις θέσεις αυτές του Πέγιου. Ο Πέγιος , αρχές Μαρτίου 1944 θα μεταβεί στο Μοναστήρι, για αγορά γραφομηχανής με σλαβικά στοιχεία. Σύμφωνα με το Ζαφειρόπουλο, θα υποκινηθεί από το Μακεδονικό Γραφείο του Τίτο και επιστρέφοντας θα κοινοποιήσει τη διαφωνία του με τη Διοικούσα Επιτροπή του ΣΝΟΦ, την οποία θα χαρακτηρίσει ως «τηρούσα συντηρητικήν στάσιν». Έτσι μαζί με τον Κοροβέση και άλλους δύο συνεργάτες του αποφασίζει τις κινήσεις του. Ο ίδιος, ως πολιτικός, αναλαμβάνει την εξέγερση των χωριών των Κορεστίων, ο δε Κοροβέσης, ως διοικητής του Λόχου Αχιλλέα Παπαϊωάννου, αναλαμβάνει την οργάνωση αποσκίρτησης εντός της ομάδας του ΕΛΑΣ[4].

Ειδικότερα ο Ζαφειρόπουλος θα γράψει πως στον αυτονομισμό των σλαβοφώνων βοήθησε και ο Άγγλος Σύνδεσμος του Αποσπάσματος Βίτσι , Λοχαγός Έβανς. Σύμφωνα με τον Ζαφειρόπουλο ο Έβανς διέκρινε πως η ενότητα του ΕΛΑΣ και του σλαβομακεδονικού στοιχείου των Κορεστίων και της Φλώρινας θα ήταν στοιχείο εκμετάλλευσης από μέρους του ΕΛΑΣ για κατάληψη της αρχής. Έτσι επιδίωξε τη διάσπαση με την καλλιέργεια της ιδέας της αυτονομήσεως διαδίδοντας στους σλαβομακεδόνες ότι το ΕΑΜ-ΕΛΑΣ θα αντιδράσει σε όποια επιθυμία αυτονόμησής τους όπως και στο παρελθόν έπραξαν οι ελληνικές οργανώσεις. Με τη βοήθεια των αγγλόφωνων κατοίκων των Κορεστίων άφηνε έντεχνα και έμμεσα να διαδοθεί και να πιστευτεί πως το συμφέρον των Σλαβόφωνων είναι να αποκτήσουν δικιά τους ελευθερία και ανεξαρτησία . Έτσι ενίσχυε τον Πέγιο με οπλοπολυβόλα και συγκροτούσε την ομάδα των κομάντος που προσωπικά διεύθυνε αποκλειστικά με Σλαβόφωνους (παρά τις διαμαρτυρίες της διοίκησης). Μετά το κίνημα του Γκότσε ο Έβανς θα τον κατηγορήσει ότι δεν έπρεπε να διασπάσει τον αγώνα τη στιγμή της συμπτύξεως των Γερμανών και θα βοηθήσει ενεργά τον ΕΛΑΣ στην διάλυση της ομάδας του[5]. Την ίδια άποψη θα καταγράψει και ο Γ.Α. Λεβέντης : «Ο Ναούμ Πέιος […] προέβαινεν εις έντονον αυτονομιστικήν προπαγάνδα εις ολόκληρον την περιοχήν Κορεστίων. Εις τας ενέργειάς του ταύτας εύρε υποστηρικτήν τον Βρετανόν σύνδεσμον του Συντάγματος Λοχαγόν Έβανς»[6]. Και ο καπετάνιος του Αποσπάσματος Βίτσι, Γιώργος Νεδέλκος, συμφωνεί πως «Ο Έβανς δούλεψε δραστήρια για το σλαβομακεδονικό εθνικισμό […]»[7].

Την 1η Δεκεμβρίου 1944, ο Έβανς θα γράψει την έκθεσή του για την περιοχή Φλώρινας, η οποία θα διαβιβαστεί στο Λονδίνο από τη Βρετανική πρεσβεία στην Αθήνα στις 12 Δεκεμβρίου, φτάνοντας στο Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών στις 30 Δεκεμβρίου[8].

Την ίδια εποχή η ΟΜΜ θα υποβάλει έκθεση για τη δράση των Άγγλων Συνδέσμων Αξιωματικών στον ΕΛΑΣ Δυτικής Μακεδονίας, όπου και γίνονται πάμπολλες αναφορές για τη δράση του Έβανς στην περιοχή[9].

Μετά το Πάσχα του 1945 ο Λοχαγός Έβανς θα δηλώσει στο Γεώργιο Μόδη ,(που θα τον βοηθήσει, δίνοντάς του βιβλία του , να κατανοήσει την περιοχή):

«Εγώ που γύρισα δυό χρόνια σ’ αυτά τα μέρη νόμιζα ότι αυτοί που μιλούν Βουλγαρομακεδονικά είναι Βούλγαροι, αυτοί που μιλούν τα Βλάχικα Ρουμάνοι και εκείνοι με τα Αλβανικά είναι Αλβανοί. Όταν είδα στα βιβλία σας ότι σε τούτα τα χωριά υπήρχαν πολλοί που σκότωναν και σκοτώνονταν για τον Ελληνισμό , δεν σας πίστεψα.

Πετάχτηκα στην Πρώτη και ρώτησα γέρους, γριές, παιδιά, τι είναι.

Μου απάντησαν: «Είμαστε Έλληνες».

-Δεν είστε Μακεδόνες; Ξαναρώτησα.

-Είμαστε Έλληνες Μακεδόνες.

-Δεν είστε Βούλγαροι;

-Α! Μπα! Μπα! Να τους πάρη όλους ο διάβολος.

-Δεν είστε Μακεδόνες, όπως αυτοί στην Γιουγκοσλαυία ;

-Α! Μπα! Μπα! Αυτοί είναι Βούλγαροι.

Έτσι πίστεψα αυτά που γράψατε ήταν αληθινά. Δεν μπορώ όμως να καταλάβω πώς είναι δυνατόν πληθυσμοί που ομιλούν ωρισμένην γλώσσα να νοιώθουν ότι ανήκουν σε άλλην εθνότητα».[10]

Την εποχή αυτή και ο Κολλάρας, συνοδεία του λοχαγού Έβανς γυρίζει με αυτοκίνητο τζιπ την περιοχή[11].

Για το ΚΚΕ οι ενέργειες του Έβανς συνέτειναν στην ανάπτυξη του αυτονομισμού μέσα στους σλαβόφωνους. Στο λόγο που εκφώνησε ο Ζαχαριάδης στην Ολομέλεια της Επιτροπής Μακεδονίας-Θράκης του ΚΚΕ, που δημοσιεύτηκε στο «Ριζοσπάστη» στις 1/1/1946, αναφερόμενος στην υποδαύλιση του αυτονομισμού από τους Άγγλους κατά την περίοδο της κατοχής όσο και αμέσως μετά σημειώνει «[…] Στην περιοχή Φλώρινας κατευθύνει αυτή τη δουλειά ένα ξένο προξενείο και ο άγγλος λοχαγός Έβανς, που ήταν μέλος της αγγλικής αποστολής στον ΕΛΑΣ. Ο Έβανς αυτός όταν τον Αύγουστο του 1944 φούντωσαν οι μάχες του ΕΛΑΣ με τους Γερμανούς, έλεγε στο συμμαχικό στρατηγείο ότι δήθεν ο ΕΛΑΣ αρνήθηκε να αναλάβει επιχειρήσεις με τους Γερμανούς και ότι μόνο το τάγμα Γκότσε πολεμούσε με τους Γερμανούς. Στην ίδια περίοδο κι ενώ άρχιζε η κίνηση του Γκότσε ενάντια στον ΕΛΑΣ, ο Έβανς σταμάτησε κάθε ενίσχυση του ΕΛΑΣ και ενίσχυσε το Γκότσε. Σήμερα ο Έβανς περιοδεύει με τον σφαγιαστή Κολάρα και η ειδικότητά του φαίνεται να είνε ότι χρησιμοποιεί πράκτορές του οχρανίτες σαν αυτονομιστές Μακεδόνες για να δημιουργεί ζητήματα και προστριβές ανάμεσα στην Ελλάδα, Γιουγκοσλαβία και Βουλγαρία γύρω από το μακεδονικό ζήτημα. Ο σταθμάρχης Τίτο κατάγγειλε σε τελευταίο λόγο του στα Σκόπια, ότι αυτοί που παρουσιάζονται σαν αυτονομιστές είνε πράκτορες κινούμενα ξένων βαλκανικών συμφερόντων. Το ίδιο μπορούμε να πούμε για τους αυτονομιστές που δουλεύουν στην Ελλάδα. Είνε πράκτορες ξένων εξωβαλκανικών, αντιβαλκανικών συμφερόντων. Αυτό δείχνουν οι πράξεις τους. Στα σλαβομακεδονικά χωριά ορισμένες γκρούπες αυτονομιστών αφήνουν ανενόχλητους τους ανθρώπους του Μαύρου Μετώπου, ενώ κακοποιούν τους αντιπροσώπους του ΕΑΜ.[…]»

Ο Έβανς θα καταγγελθεί και στην Έκθεση που θα υποβληθεί από το ΔΣΕ το Μάρτιο του 1947 στον ΟΗΕ. Σύμφωνα με την έκθεση ο Έβανς είχε κάνει δύο χρόνια ως σύνδεσμος της ΒΣΑ και του ΕΛΑΣ στα βουνά Φλώρινας και Καστοριάς. Με τις εκτιμήσεις , τις γνώσεις και τις αναφορές του από την δύσκολη αυτή περιοχή ενημέρωνε και επηρέαζε την πολιτική των Βρετανών(και όχι μόνο) έναντι του ΕΛΑΣ και των ελληνόφωνων και αλλόφωνων μελών του. Ειδικότερα στην έκθεση αναφέρεται ότι « Ο άγγλος λοχαγός Έβανς σαν σύνδεσμος του στρατηγείου Μέσης Ανατολής στο Βίτσι, γύριζε στα σλαβομακεδονικά χωριά και υποδαύλιζε την αυτονομιστική κίνηση σε συνεργασία με τον Κάλτσεφ. Μετά την απελευθέρωση εγκαταστάθηκε στην Φλώρινα και με όργανά του τους πρώην συνεργάτες των Γερμανοβουλγάρων οργάνωσε την αυτονομιστική κίνηση που στρέφεται ενάντια στην ακεραιότητα της Ελλάδας[12]».

Στις 10 /3/1947 αναφορά για τον Έβανς θα γίνει από τον Γιουγκοσλάβο σύνδεσμο Τζέρτζα σε δήλωσή του επί του αυτονομιστικού στην Επιτροπή του ΟΗΕ. Εκεί ο Τζέρτζα τόνισε πως ο Άγγλος αξιωματιοκός Έβανς «κατά την κατοχήν εξύφανε συνωμοτικά σχέδια κατά του μακεδονικού λαού»[13].

Το αρχείο του Έβανς βρίσκεται στο King's College London , http://www.kcl.ac.uk/lhcma/cats/evans/ev30-0.htm

Με βάση το αρχείο του Έβανς ο Nicholas Hammond θα εκδώσει τις μελέτες του «The Allied Military Mission in Northwest Macedonia», Balkan Studies (Volume 32, 1993) και «The Allied Military Mission and the Resistance in West Macedonia» (Institute for Balkan Studies, Thessaloniki, 1993[14]



& Ο Ζαφειρόπουλος χαρακτηρίζεις τους Χρήστο Αποστολίδη-Κεραυνό και Γιάννη Παπαδόπουλο-Αυγερινό ως «πρόσφυγας δυσμενώς διακειμένους προς τους Σλαυοφώνους». (ΖΑΦΕΙΡΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ, ΤΟ ΚΚΕ ΚΑΙ Η ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑ, ό.π., σελ. 67)






από: http://www.gate.net/~mango/britrep.html




[12] Δ.Σ.Ε. / Γ.Α., ΕΤΣΙ ΑΡΧΙΣΕ Ο ΕΜΦΥΛΙΟΣ, ό.π., σελ. 79

[13] εφ. «ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΑ», 11/3/1947, σελ.1 & 2

[14]Στα ελληνικά έχουν εκδοθεί ως :