αναδημοσίευση από: Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora 11(3), 81-87. (1984), http://triceratops.brynmawr.edu/dspace/handle/10066/5381?show=full
The events of the last dramatic months before the collapse of the German Occupation in Greece has been reported many times both by contemporary actors and historians. The main lines of its international dimension are, thanks to those works, fairly well-known: (a) the British conflicting short-term and long-term policies dictated by the need to support the EAM/ELAS guerrillas in the fight against the Axis and to have a friendly government, possibly a constitutional monarchy, installed in postwar Greece; (b) the Yugoslav ambition to lead the Greek partisans on revolutionary paths in combination with the Yugoslav interest in Greek Macedonia; (c) the ambiguous American attitude to the events in the Balkans, marked by the sympathetic stand which President Roosevelt took on the British entanglement in Greek affairs and the
distrust shown by the Secretary of State; (d) the cool Soviet thinking and acting in terms of power in Eastern Europe during the last year of the war. All this has been explained in many memoirs and has been the object of scholarly research. Nevertheless, some new publications, especially the correspondence between Tito and Churchill, and some new documents from the British archives can help us to add a few details to these events.
The British concept of the postwar political order in the Mediterranean was based on the vision of a chain of constitutional monarchies in Italy, Yugoslavia, Albania, and Greece. This idea was dear to Churchill, not only because of his dynastic sympathies but also because of his conviction—as the Italian historian, Gaetano Salvemini, says—that monarchy in these countries would be an instrument of British domination. What better means to secure the "imperial lifeline" in the Mediterranean and to affirm the vitality of the British empire? This concept was challenged, however, by the resistance movements, which took place in the countries concerned and had quite different ideas about the future of their respective nations after the Liberation.
ολόκληρη η μελέτη εδώ:
 Wanda De Nunzio Schilardi, Carteggio Salvemini-Petraglione, Prospettive settanta, Rivista trimestrale diretta da Giuseppe Galasso, nuova serie, a.V, n. 2-3, 1983, p. 292.